Transcript
Brien Poisoner’s cookbook
TEXT Special Issue: Creative Writing as Research II, October 2012
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Central Queensland University, Australia
Donna Lee Brien
The poisoner’s cookbook
Biographical note:
Professor Donna Lee Brien (BEd, Deakin; GCHE, UNE; MA (Prelim.), USydney; MA,
UTS; PhD, QUT) is Professor, Creative Industries, and Chair, Creative and Performing
Arts Special Interest Research Group for the Learning and Teaching Education Research
Centre at Central Queensland University. Widely published on Australian food writers and
their influence, Donna has also written on other aspects of the creative arts, with her
biography, John Power 1881-1943, the standard work on this expatriate Australian artist.
A Past President of national peak body, the Australasian Association of Writing Programs,
Donna is currently Commisioning Editor, Special Issues, TEXT: Journal of Writing and
Writing Courses, member of the Editorial Advisory Board of The Australasian Journal of
Popular Culture and Foundation Editorial Board member of Locale: The Australasian-
Pacific Journal of Regional Food Studies. She has most recently edited food-related issues
MC Journal (‘Pig’ with Dr Adele Wessell, and ‘Coffee’ with Jillian Adams) and The
Australasian Journal of Popular Culture (with Dr Toni Risson). Current research includes
projects on forgotten food writers, their contribution to national culinary culture, and the
intersection of food writing with health issues.
Keywords:
creative writing – food writing – poisoning
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What is food to one man may be fierce poison to others.
Lucretius (c.99 B.C.–c.55 B.C.)
Amuse bouche: some notes on poisons and poisoning
Look up poison in any dictionary and the definition always includes the information that
although poisons cause death or injury, the word comes from the Latin for ‘drink’ – one
of life’s necessities. The act of poisoning is, moreover, seemingly as ancient as cookery
itself.
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If a living organism can eat, drink or otherwise absorb matter, it can ingest
poison, and this fact was not lost on Australian Indigenous peoples who poisoned
waterholes to weaken game and fish. Menes, an early Egyptian king, closely studied the
properties of poisonous plants, while ancient papyri reveal how the Egyptians discovered
how to extract prussic acid from peach kernels. We know this as cyanide, the poison
supposedly popular with Cold War spies that can kill in as little as thirty seconds.
The classical Greeks and Romans drew their poisons from a deadly arsenal of aconite,
opium, lead, mercury, gold, silver, copper and henbane. The latter foul-smelling plant is
not widely familiar today, but looks dangerous, with sticky leaves and dull yellow
flowers. The names it has been known by auger poorly too – ‘Devil’s eye’, ‘Poison
tobacco’ and ‘Stinking nightshade’. The ancient Greeks drank hemlock to suicide, also
using this ‘poisoned cup’ for State purposes as when Socrates was executed because his
philosophical teachings were judged to have corrupted the youth of Athens. Euripides
had his Medea send Jason’s new bride a poisoned gown, while the Romans favoured
delivering their poisons in seemingly innocuous food and drinks. Nero was notorious for
disposing of unwanted family members in this manner and, with the aid of his personal
poisoner, Locusta, murdered his own brother, Britanicus, with cyanide.
A century before the birth of Christ, King Mithridates of Pontos on the Black Sea, now
in present-day Turkey, so feared poisoning that he tested toxins and possible antidotes on
condemned criminals, and then took small doses of poison daily to build up an immunity
to them. This strategy backfired when the Romans invaded his kingdom and he
attempted to kill himself by drinking poison, but his acquired resistance muted its effect,
and he had to command one of his own soldiers to stab him to death.
During the Middle Ages, both amateur and professional poisoners targeted kings,
emperors and popes in cruel and creative ways. In 1531, Richard Roose, the Bishop of
Rochester’s cook, added poison to the porridge he prepared for his master’s household.
All who ate this tainted gruel fell extremely ill, including the poor who had been given
the remains of the dish in an act of charity, and two of the poisoned died, although the
bishop, who did not eat from the communal pot, escaped unharmed. Roose was boiled to
death – just like his oats – the first to be punished with this ghastly new method of
execution.
At this time, a council of alchemists met regularly in Venice to arrange State-sanctioned
(but clandestine) poisonings for those who stood in the way of those who governed over
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the Venetians. We can still read the meticulous records of their meetings which include
long lists of intended victims, details of the contracts with the poisoners and their rates of
pay. This was at a time when the knowledge of poisons was expanding, as Italian
botanists were identifying an ever-increasing number of poisonous plants, to the point
where Giambattista della Porta’s book Magiae Naturalis (Natural Magic), first published
in 1558, included a section on poisoning – in particular the then popular method of
drugging wine – alongside discussions of demonology, magnetism and the camera
obscura. Porta also provides a recipe for a sinister concoction of aconite, caustic lime,
arsenic, bitter almonds and powdered glass which, when mixed with honey, could be
formed into deadly pills.
The notorious Italian poisoner Toffana sold her poison, an arsenic solution, as Agua
Toffana or Toffana’s Water, in vials labelled as a cosmetic and decorated with a saint’s
picture. She told unhappy wives to apply this expensive, although effective, liquid to
their skin before intimacy with their husbands, but never to ingest it themselves, and to
enjoy the result quietly. But some could not remain silent about their actions and Toffana
was eventually arrested and executed in 1709 by strangulation for murdering six hundred
men. There is, however, no record of charges of any kind being brought against all those
widows.
In the latter part of the sixteenth century, France became a world centre of poisoning
with reputedly some 30,000 so-called ‘sorcerers’ (poisoners) operating in Paris in the
1570s. The use of poisons was reportedly widespread and the quite reasonable fear of
being poisoned even more pervasive. As a result, when England’s King Henry IV visited
the Louvre, he would only eat eggs that he cooked himself and only drink water he drew
from the Seine. There were several failed plots to poison English royalty, including
Queen Elizabeth I, who thwarted a Spanish plan to smear an opium-based poison on her
saddle. To protect the Royal person, her entourage tasted every dish and beverage before
her lips touched a morsel. They also inspected her clothes for signs of poison and
regularly dosed their regent with antidotes, just in case.
Although she died from an abscessed throat at the age of seventy, fear of poisoning
persisted among the English royals after Elizabeth, although the use of poison was not
restricted to such elevated circles. Poison was, indeed, so common in eighteenth century
France that it was known as ‘inheritance powder’, an implication not lost on nineteenth
century English painter and author, Thomas Griffiths Wainewright. A Romantic dandy
without the income to support his extravagant habits, Wainewright moved in elevated
artistic circles, counting Blake, Byron, Keats, Hazlitt and Fuseli among his friends.
When a series of his close relatives died, each one of whose bequests alleviated his
financial woes, Wainewright was arrested. He never admitted to murder, but
circumstantial evidence – his obvious motivation, possession of books on poison and a
special interest in strychnine which could not then be reliably detected at autopsy – led to
his conviction (although for forgery, not homicide) and transportation for life to Van
Diemen’s Land in 1837, where he died a decade later.
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The nineteenth century saw the beginning of the modern scientific study of poisons –
what became the science of toxicology – and advances such as the identification of
morphine in 1814, strychnine in 1818 and reliable tests for arsenic in 1836 and 1841. But
these scientific developments, which meant poisons could be more easily detected in
victims, seemed to do little to deter domestic poisoners and the rate of poisoning, rising
in tandem with the popularity of life insurance, increased until contemporary
commentators reported that poisoning was occurring at epidemic levels. Whether there
actually was an epidemic of murder caused by the ready availability of such poisons at
the end of the nineteenth century is debatable, but this idea was confirmed in the minds
of people at the time by the succession of dramatic poisoning trials during the 1890s.
The Victorian press sensationalised crime stories to the point of becoming trial judge and
jury, and justified this reporting by the public interest they generated.
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Poisoning cases
were thus duly written about in gruesome detail, making the crime a topic of daily
conversation.
While poison was widely understood to be a particularly feminine weapon – sly, cruel
and cunning, with deadly poisons easily slipped into the food and drinks these devilish
women prepared – the 1880s and ’90s also saw a series of male poisoners brought to
trial.
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The most intriguing subset of these men for the public were medical practitioners,
their crimes so sensational that lengthy reports of their trials were read all over the
world, including in Australasia.
One of these was the seemingly upright citizen, Dr. Philip Cross, a 62-year-old retired
army surgeon, who lived with his much younger wife and their six children in Ireland.
They had been married for eighteen years with no apparent problems until, in 1886, Mrs.
Cross engaged a new governess for the children, twenty-year-old Effie Skinner. Falling
madly in love with her, the doctor began repeatedly dosing his wife with arsenic and
strychnine and, early in May 1887, Mrs. Cross began to suffer violent vomiting attacks.
Told by her husband that she had a weak heart, she died a month later, Effie and Cross
marrying less than two weeks after the funeral. Cross appeared to show great concern
throughout the extended period of his wife’s suffering and was much maligned for this
hypocrisy when his crime was discovered. He was hanged in January 1888, Effie so
shocked when she discovered her unwitting role in the murder, that she refused to visit
her condemned husband in gaol.
As the 1890s opened, the seemingly mild and suave Dr. Hermann Webster Mudgett,
known not only as ‘Dr. Holmes’ but also as ‘the Black Baron’, purchased a row of
turreted, three-storey buildings in Chicago. While the ground floor was filled with
rented-out shops and the top floor housed his own offices and living quarters, Mudgett
rebuilt the middle storey into a maze of windowless, airtight and soundproofed torture
rooms. These were complete with secret doors, peepholes and gas poisoning facilities.
Most spine chilling was his system of chutes running down into a basement quicklime
pit. Over a period of three years, Mudgett attracted a steady stream of young women
with advertisements promising lucrative employment in his hotel. Once they arrived,
however, instead of putting them to work, Mudgett imprisoned and poisoned them, first
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obtaining access to their assets and later selling at least a dozen of their skeletons to local
medical schools. He also killed a number of men who signed over their insurance
benefits to him, and any children who got in the way. When he came under police
suspicion, Mudgett protested his innocence despite the fact that, when a newspaper
offered him a large fee, he penned a lurid confession to twenty-seven murders, retracting
this once he was paid. His luck finally run out when, while in custody in relation to an
unrelated murder in Philadelphia, his hotel caught fire and the remains of more than a
hundred bodies were found. Mudgett eventually confessed to twenty-eight killings and
six attempted homicides, stating that, while largely motivated by profit, he would
sometimes kill just for the pleasure of hearing his victims’ screams. The first serial killer
identified in the United States, Mudgett was hanged on 7
May 1896. As per his request,
his coffin was embedded in cement as he feared his body might be disinterred by
souvenir hunters or doctors wanting to dissect his brain.
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Appetiser: strychnine
Another medical man, Dr. Thomas Neill Cream, was executed in London four years
before Mudgett in 1892, having killed, police claimed, at least eight young women in
England, America and Canada by handing out strychnine pills that he said were tonics or
other medicine. An already convicted murderer on early release from prison, Cream was
a dandy who seemed to go out of his way to attract the attention of the police –
sometimes giving them information on his victims before foul play was even suspected.
He once escaped a charge of bigamy by pleading he had been in prison in Australia at
the time of his second marriage, but there is no evidence that Cream ever travelled to the
Antipodes.
A bitter alkaloid drug derived from the seeds of the strychnos nux-vomica tree,
strychnine is native to Australia, India and Sri Lanka, and has been used as a rat poison
for more than five centuries. Strychnine can be fatal if swallowed or inhaled, with acute
poisoning characterised by violent and painful convulsions that can begin within minutes
of ingestion. Other symptoms include muscular cramps (especially in the neck and
back), stiff joints, twitching muscles, headache, a feeling of restlessness and a severe
restriction of blood-oxygen to the body tissues. This last effect leads to cyanosis, where
the skin turns blue. The kidneys may fail due to the strain of processing the poison, but
death often occurs due to respiratory arrest. This sounds quite peaceful, but is often
preceded by such agony that the victim dies screaming in a final convulsion that leaves
their body bent backwards until their head almost reaches their feet. Today, non-fatal
doses of strychnine are treated by keeping the victim quiet and administering barbiturate
sedatives and artificial respiration, but the poison’s debilitating effects can linger and
affect the sufferer for months or even years.
As a central nervous system stimulant, strychnine works like a toxic appetiser, increasing
the secretion of gastric juices and heightening sensory awareness. These qualities caused
a strychnine-based medicine known as nux vomica to be prescribed in the nineteenth
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century as an antidote for narcotic overdose and to treat shock. Solutions of strychnine of
various strengths were also commonly used as so-called ‘nerve tonics’ to increase
appetite, improve muscle tone and stimulate weak bladders.
By the 1890s, strychnine was only one of the some one hundred and sixty poisons then
classified and capable of being detected, but about half of these were chemical rarities
and no more than forty ever really figured as a cause of death at that time, suspicious or
not. In 1895, the test for strychnine involved concentrating liquid matter to a drop and
placing this on a white porcelain tile. An electric current was then passed through this
drop, or a tiny crystal of bichromate of potash dropped into it. After either of these
additions, a single one-hundredth of a grain of strychnia (as the poison was also called)
caused a gorgeous array of colours to appear in the drop. The first of these was deep
sapphire blue, this then becoming violet, purple, crimson and finally lilac blue. This
dramatic test was not foolproof, as the colours changed and then vanished rapidly and, in
a time before colour photography, no record or proof of the colours could be preserved.
The whole test thus depended on the accuracy and reliability of the analyst’s
observations during the approximately five-minute test.
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Today, strychnine is one of the
poisons routinely tested for in cases of suspected poisoning.
Entrée: arsenic
Arsenic, the unscientific but popular name for arsenic trioxide (As
2
O
3
), is one of the
most ubiquitous of poisons – not only virtually undetectable and deadly, but occurring in
a wide range of locations in our environment, whether natural or industrial. It is released
into the air by volcanoes, when arsenic-containing minerals and ores weather and break
down, and by a range of commercial and industrial processes. Some groundwater
naturally contains arsenic, as do a range of commercial products including wood
preservatives, insecticides, weed killers and defoliants, fungicides, cattle and sheep dips,
paints, pigments and leaded petrol. Wine and tobacco can contain arsenic if the grapes or
tobacco plants are sprayed with arsenical pesticides, and seafood – especially bivalves
such as oysters and mussels – certain cold water and bottom-feeding finfish and
seaweeds can contain dangerous levels of the poison. Arsenic is also a by-product of the
smelting process for many metal ores including lead, gold, zinc, cobalt and nickel, and is
used in the production of glass and semiconductors, in preserving wood and animal
hides, and as an additive to metal alloys to increase their heat resistance.
The symptoms of arsenic poisoning are nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, headache,
abdominal pain, muscular cramping, a weak pulse and, in severe cases, coma and death.
Victims suffer damage to the digestive tract and other internal organs as well as a direct
attack on the nervous system. Arsenic is excreted from the body mostly through the
urine, with complete elimination usually not achieved in less than two weeks, and the
faeces, skin and hair often containing lingering traces long after a single small dose. A
corpse’s hair can, indeed, be analysed many years after burial for arsenic residue, which
was how Napoleon’s chronic poisoning was determined some 140 years after his death.
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Although we are all regularly ingesting tiny amounts of naturally occurring arsenic, even
a small overexposure to this poison can cause nervous and motor coordination disorders,
respiratory diseases and kidney damage as well as an increased risk of skin, liver,
bladder, kidney and lung cancers. Acute poisoning has a mortality rate of fifty to
seventy-five percent, with death usually occurring within two days of a lethal dose. The
size of this dose depends both on the form ingested and the victim’s tolerance, but for
arsenic trioxide it is probably in the range of 200 to 300 milligrams – a few specks that
are easily hidden in a meal or beverage. This amount can, however, vary wildly, with a
dose as small as 20 milligrams life-threatening for some, while others have made an
almost miraculous recovery after ingesting as much as 10 grams.
Arsenic has been known and used in various forms since 3000 B.C. but an Arab
alchemist, Jabir ibn Hayyan, is believed to be the first to obtain a concentration of white
arsenic when he heated the mineral realgar in the eighth century. Before Hayyan, most
poisons had strongly distinguishable tastes, odours or colours, but white arsenic was (and
is) so insidious because it is unnoticeable, readily available and inexpensive. From the
beginning, however, arsenic also had other, more legitimate (although albeit sometimes
misguided) uses. Amulets containing arsenic were worn during the Plague as protection
from infection, and arsenic was prescribed throughout the nineteenth century for illnesses
as disparate as syphilis and malaria, with regular small doses believed to improve
breathing when climbing. Fowler’s Solution, containing one percent potassium arsenite,
was a popular over-the-counter cure-all for ailments including arthritis, cancer, deafness,
eczema, measles, skin problems, varicose veins and ulcers.
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Available from 1786 for over
a hundred and fifty years, this miracle cure was even believed to offer relief to those
suffering from emotional complaints such as melancholy and jealousy. Users gradually
poisoned themselves with this concoction, weakening their health while building up a
tolerance to arsenic in the process.
Despite all her fears of her food being poisoned, Queen Elizabeth I used arsenic as part of
the toxic preparation that made her face appear chalky white, but it was only from the
1830s that arsenic became widely accepted as a cosmetic. Although she chose laudanum
for her suicide in 1862, Elizabeth Siddal, wife and model of painter Dante Gabriel
Rossetti, regularly took small doses of arsenic in the belief that it made her eyes brighter
and her skin clearer. This practice, called arsenic eating, built up the user’s tolerance to
the poison – and could be utilised by a fearless poisoner, who after regularly ingesting
small, but increasing amounts of poison, could safely share a meal containing toxic doses
with his or her victim. This fact was used by Dorothy L. Sayers in her 1930 novel Strong
Poison (1930), which revolves around the ability of a practiced arsenic eater to withstand
a dose of the poison that kills his victim.
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In 1870, Daniel Brinton and George Napheys
warned that an arsenic-eater could exhale sufficient amount of the poison to kill an
unsuspecting spouse.
9
The dangerous practice of using arsenic cosmetically became household knowledge
during the notorious Madeleine Smith trial in 1857 in which Smith was alleged to have
poisoned her French lover, (Pierre) Emile L’Angelier, on three occasions before finally
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killing him. Madeleine was the 22-year-old daughter of a wealthy and well-respected
Glasgow family; Emile a poor immigrant. Secretly engaged to Emile, Madeleine was
then introduced to the wealthy businessman her father intended her to marry. Upon
accepting this second proposal, Madeleine tried to end her relationship with the
Frenchman, but he blackmailed her into continuing. Emile was then struck down with a
series of severe vomiting attacks, the last of which proved fatal.
At this time, the presence of arsenic could be tested using tissue or fluid samples. If there
was sufficient matter to test, it was simply a matter of ascertaining if a piece of copper
foil blackened on exposure. If a lesser amount was present, then a solution was made and
heated to generate a gas. When this gas was passed through a hot glass tube, a small
trace of arsenic (one-millionth of a grain) would create a black smear just above the
hottest part of the tube.
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The week after he died, Emile’s body was discovered to contain
large amounts of arsenic and, after Madeleine’s letters to him were found and it became
known that she had purchased arsenic, she was arrested for murder. Her defence – that
she had obtained the arsenic for her complexion – was accepted and she was freed, but
not without stigma, for the jury returned a verdict of ‘not proven’ on the charge of
murder. This was a verdict then unique to Scotland, which states that although the
prosecution failed to prove its case, her defence team also failed to convince the jury of
the accused’s innocence.
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Such was the belief in arsenic’s cosmetic benefits that, by the end of the nineteenth
century, it was widely used in beauty products, with a popular topical preparation sold
under the alluring name of poudre rajeunissante or rejeuvenating powder. Arsenic was
also believed to be a tonic of more value even than iron, and was used to colour sweets
and wallpaper. This meant that not only were confectionery factory workers and sweet-
toothed children at risk of becoming sickly from arsenic poisoning, so too were middle-
class women and girls who spent too long in arsenic-green wallpapered rooms. It has
been suggested that such wallpaper may have been one of the factors contributing to
Napoleon’s demise.
Dessert: thallium
When, in June 1953, Sydney housewife Beryl Hague stirred a spoonful of the liquid
rodenticide, Thall-Rat, into her husband Allan’s cup of tea – just, as she said, to give him
a headache – she was only one in a long series of seemingly ordinary people who used
poison – in this case, thallium sulphate – to kill off those they found odious for some
reason or other. Thallium poisoning gained a great deal of press coverage in Australia at
this time
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for two main reasons. Firstly, because it was women poisoning their family
and friends and, secondly, because the poison’s lack of taste, colour and odour (together
with its ready availability), made it a slyly lethal addition to the cakes, scones, biscuits
and drinks emanating from the 1950’s cradle of domesticity – the home kitchen.
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The first reported Australian thallium case of the 1950s – when Yvonne Fletcher was
tried in September 1952 for the murder of her two husbands with the poison – seemingly
sparked off a wave of copycat poisonings, as reported in six sensational trials for
thallium poisoning the next year. One of these struck reporters and readers as particularly
incredible, when innocuous looking grandmother Caroline Grills, who at 63 was only
four feet six inches tall, was convicted of killing three members of her family as well as
one family friend in this manner, as well as poisoning as many as another eleven
relatives. Sentenced to life in prison for her crimes, Grills lived the remainder of her life
in Long Bay Gaol where she was much liked and became known as ‘Aunt Thally’.
Another Australian press sensation was Veronica Monty’s poisoning of her son-in-law,
the popular rugby star Bobby Lulham, who, it was revealed, had also been her lover.
Lulham and his new wife, Judy, lived for some time with Veronica in this ménage a trois,
a situation which was then unknown to Monty’s daughter. Evidence was tendered that
Monty poisoned the sportsman with thallium in a cup of Milo (the popular chocolate
milk drink marketed as a vitamin tonic), who became very will, but that he recovered
after an anonymous informer suggested he be tested for the toxin and he was successfully
treated. The informer was later revealed to be Monty herself, who admitted the poisoning
but claimed it was accidental, as she had, she testified, made the drink intending to kill
herself. Although acquitted of the crime, Veronica Monty committed suicide three years
later in 1955.
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As the symptoms of thallium poisoning do not appear for a week or so after the initial
dose, many who had been poisoned in this way did not connect being given the thallium
with its later effects. Moreover, as these effects (like other poisons) resembled the
symptoms of a range of fatal medical conditions like gastric influenza, stroke, cerebral
haemorrhage and pneumonia, there is no doubt that many more victims were poisoned,
and died, without arousing any suspicion. With rats in plague proportions in post-war
Sydney, the government had lifted restrictions on thallium in order to fight this
pestilence, but banned the powerful poison again when these and other cases were
publicised.
After dinner: poisoning in the twenty first century
Poisoning has continued to be a prevalent method of murder in the last half of the
twentieth century; however, after these mid-century thallium cases, it soon moved from
the domestic kitchen, dining table and sick room into the realm of global mass killing.
Following a trajectory from the mustard gas attacks of the First World War and the
German gas chambers of the Second to the 1978 Jonestown massacre, the 1995 Japanese
Sarin gas attacks and a deep fear of chemical warfare as the century closed, poison
currently claims a place among the most ‘advanced’ weapon of mass destruction. And,
today, as in the past, some poisoners no doubt continue to, literally, get away with
murder, with the deaths they cause ascribed to natural causes. In addition to this, as in
the past, even if detected, a contemporary poisoner may escape conviction on a raft of
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legal technicalities as the evidence given in poisoning trials is often bafflingly complex
with prosecution and defence medical and forensic experts presenting contradictory
medical and other information for juries to contemplate. In a further complication,
poisons widely considered to be dangerous continue to be used in everyday life,
including medicinally. Arsenic is, for instance, currently employed in advanced cases of
trypanosomiasis, the disease commonly known as African sleeping sickness and to fight
a rare leukaemia, and is also being trialled as a treatment for cancer of the lung, colon
and pancreas.
14
As poisons, moreover, continue to be used as pesticides on, and preservatives and
colouring and flavouring agents in our foods
15
, it may be that many of us are poisoning
ourselves just as consistently, and unwittingly, as those women in their nineteenth
century arsenic wallpapered rooms.
Endnotes
1. The historical information above about poisons and poisoning, including their use in crimes, and
their detection, comes from a range of contemporary and historical sources: Bayer MJ and C
McKay 1996 ‘Advances in poison management’, Clinical chemistry, 42: 1361-66; Blythe AW
1884 Poisons: their effects and detection, Charles Griffin and Co: London; Burney, I 2012
‘Poison, detection, and the Victorian imagination’, Manchester University Press: Manchester;
Dasey, P (ed) 1993 An Australian murder almanac: 150 years of chilling crime, Nationwide
News: Canberra; Ellenhorn, MJ 1997 Ellenhorn’s medical toxicology: diagnosis and treatment of
human poisoning, Williams and Wilkins: Baltimore; Glaister J 1954 The Power of poison,
Christopher Johnson: London; Hall, AH 2002 ‘Chronic arsenic poisoning’, Toxicology letters,
128(1-3): 69-72; Hallakarva G 1994 The silent weapon: poisons and antidotes in the Middle Ages
http://www.floril.egivm.org/ files/UNCAT/poisons-art.html (accessed 22 May 2012); Holstege,
CP, T Neer, GB Saathoff and RB Furbee 2010 Criminal poisoning: clinical and forensic
perspectives, Jones & Bartlett Publishers, Burlington, MA; Kellett, C 2012 Poison and poisoning:
a compendium of cases, catastrophes and crimes, Accent Press: USA; Main, J 1980 Murder
Australian style, Unicorn Books: East Melbourne; McGarry, RC and P McGarry 1999 ‘Please
pass the strychnine: the art of Victorian pharmacy’, Canadian Medical Association journal,
161(12): 1556-58; Olsen, K (ed) 2011 Poisoning and drug overdose, 6
th
ed., McGraw-Hill
Professional: New York; Schoolmeester WL and DR White 1980 ‘Arsenic poisoning’, Southern
medical journal, 73(2): 198-208; Sharpe, A and V Encel 1997 Murder!: 25 true Australian
crimes, Kingsclear Books: Crows Nest; Sparrow, G 1971 Vintage Victorian murder, Arthur
Barker: London; Stevens, S and A Bannon 2007 HowDunit: the book of poisons, Writers Digest
Books; Taylor, AS 1875 On poisons, J and A Churchill: London; Thompson, CJS 1931 Poisons
and poisoners, Harold Shaylor: London; Wilde, O 1889 ‘Pen, pencil and poison’, Fortnightly
review, January, in Intentions, Heinemann and Balestier: London, 1891; repub. in Intentions,
Methuen and Co., London, 1913: 55-91, http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E800003-010 (accessed
29 June 2012); Wilson, R 2011 ‘Chronic arsenic poisoning: history, study and remediation’,
Harvard University: Cambridge,
http://phys4.harvard.edu/%7Ewilson/arsenic_project_introduction.html (accessed 29 June 2012);
Wood, JG 1937 ‘Poisons and their history’ in K Grant (ed), Science for All, Advertiser
Newspapers: Adelaide, 73-6.
2. For a fictional imagining of Wainewright’s confession, see, Motion, A 2000 Wainewright the
poisoner, Faber and Faber: London; also pub. as Wainewright the poisoner: the confession of
Thomas Griffiths Wainewright, Knopf: New York, 2000.
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3. Altick, Richard D 1970 Victorian Studies in Scarlet, JM Dent and Sons, London: 63, 66.
4. For an extended discussion of gender and poisoning, see Birch, H (ed) 1993 Moving targets:
women, murder and representation, Virago Press: London; Cameron, D and E Frazer 1987 The
lust to kill: a feminist investigation of sexual murder, Polity Press: Cambridge, 1987; Cannon, M
1994 The woman as murderer: five who paid with their lives, Today’s Australia Publishing
Company: Mornington; Hogan, AL 1994 ‘...Deceitful, immoral, deadly...: the image of the
poisoner as woman in the cases of Louisa Collins and George Dean,’ BA (Hons) dissertation,
University of New South Wales; Robb, G 1997 ‘Circe in crinoline: domestic poisonings in
Victorian England’, Journal of family history, 22(2): 165-77; Scrine, C 2002 ‘“More deadly than
the male” – the sexual politics of female poisoning: trials of the thallium women’, Limina: a
journal of history and cultural studies, 8: 127-43.
5. Larson, E 2004 The devil in the White City: murder, magic, and madness at the fair that changed
America, New York: Vintage; Schechter, H 2004 Depraved: the definitive true story of HH
Holmes, whose grotesque crimes shattered turn-of-the-century Chicago, Pocket Books: USA.
6. See, Truth, 12 May 1896, 5.
7. Fowler’s Solution consisted of 1 part arsenous acid, 1 part carbonate of potash and 3 parts
compound tincture of lavender, mixed with 95 parts distilled water.
8. Sayers, DL 1996 Strong poison: A Lord Peter Wimsey mystery, New English Library: London;
1st. pub. 1930 as Strong poison, Gollancz Publisher: London.
9. Brinton, DG and GH Napheys 1994 Personal beauty: how to cultivate and preserve it in
accordance with the laws of health, facsimile ed, Applewood Books, Bedford, Mass.; 1
st
pub. WJ
Holland, Springfield, Mass., 1870, 240.
10. See, Truth, 12 May 1896, 5.
11. After her release, Smith left Scotland and moved to London where, four years after the trial, she
married draftsman George Wardle, a friend of William Morris. Separating from Wardle some
twenty-eight years later, Madeleine migrated to America, married again when she was aged in her
seventies and lived in New York until she died of kidney disease at the age of 93. Her story has
been told in a number of books, theatrical productions and films, among these David Lean’s 1949
masterpiece Madeline (also known as Strange Case of Madeline), prod. Cineguild, Pinewood and
Rank, UK. Recent evidence suggests that L’Anglier may have suicided by poisoning himself, but
set the scene in such a way that Smith would be blamed for his murder, see, MacGowan, D 1999
Murder in Victorian Scotland: the trial of Madeleine Smith, Praeger Publishers, Connecticut.
12. See, for example, Anon 1952 ‘Four murdered by thallium in Sydney’, Sydney Morning Herald, 9
October: 1.
13. See, Doyle, P and C Williams 2002 Crimes of passion: exhibition guide [exhibition catalogue],
Justice & Police Museum, Sydney: 1-2; Sanders, N 1995 The thallium enthusiasms and other
Australian outrages, Local Consumption Publications, Newtown, NSW: 19-20; Scrine, C 2002
‘“More deadly than the male” The sexual politics of female poisoning: trials of the thallium
women’, Limina: a journal of history and cultural studies, 8: 127-43.
14. Brown, David 1998 ‘Instead of clue, arsenic now cure’, Sydney Morning Herald, 6 November: 8
15. See, for instance, Casdorph, HR and M Walker 1994 Toxic metal syndrome: how metal poisonings
can affect your brain, Avery: New York.
Brien Poisoner’s cookbook
TEXT Special Issue: Creative Writing as Research II, October 2012
12
Research statement
Research background
Food writing, a highly visible form of contemporary writing, is attracting scholarly
attention (Humble 2005, Driver 2009) and beginning to be defined, classified and
explored in terms of literary potential (Waxman 2008). This work is part of a project
addressing the food writing domain, proposing that more literary forms of food writing
have the ability to communicate a range of technical/health related information – in this
case, information about poisons/poisoning.
Research contribution
While Bloom states that food writing is ‘most often upbeat and nurturing, providing
successes and triumphs … for readers to feast on, with occasional glimpses of utopia’
(2008: 346), a key innovation is the use of food writing to illuminate a less than utopian
aspect of food provision – poisoning.
Research Significance
The concept that drives this work has already attracted national and international interest,
with the author achieving national and international scholarly publication on work on
food writing subgenres and their expressive potential. A key significance here is the use
of food writing to explicate a scholarly subject, delivering technical information in an
approachable form.
Works cited
Bloom, L Z 2008 ‘Consuming prose: the delectable rhetoric of food writing’, College English 70(4), 346-
61.
Driver, E 2009, ‘Cookbooks as primary sources for writing history’, Food, Culture & Society 12(3), 257-
74.
Humble, N 2005 Culinary Pleasures: Cookbooks and the Transformation of British Food, London: Faber.
Waxman, BF 2008 ‘Food memoirs: what they are, why they are popular, and why they belong in the
literature classroom’, College English 70(4), 363-82.